The term “controversial” is inadequate to describe the
São Manoel Dam.
It is located only 700 m from the Kayabí Indigenous
Land and has already provoked a series of confrontations with the indigenous
people.
As with other dams, São Manoel can be expected to
negatively affect the fish and turtles that are vital food sources for the
Kayabí, Munduruku and Apiacá indigenous groups.
This post is a commentary. The views expressed are
those of the author.
The term “controversial” is inadequate to describe the
São Manoel Dam. It is located only 700 m from the Kayabí Indigenous Land and
has already provoked a series of confrontations with the indigenous people (see
here, here, here and here). As with other dams, São Manoel can be expected to
negatively affect the fish and turtles that are vital food sources for the
Kayabí, Munduruku and Apiacá indigenous groups. It also destroys sacred sites,
as well as gravesites and archaeological locations that are revered by the
group, among many other impacts.
São Manoel is on the Teles Pires River in Brazil’s
state of Mato Grosso. It is one of the 43 existing or planned “large” (> 30
MW installed capacity) dams in the Tapajós Basin (see here). The dam received
its operating license on 5 September 2017, signed by the head (“president”) of
IBAMA (Brazilian Institute of the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources),
which is the federal agency responsible for environmental licensing. This will
allow the reservoir to be filled. The head of IBAMA overrode the formal
technical opinion (parecer) of the agency’s licensing department, which
concluded that “The absence of data that have been requested, and the
noncompliance with demands made in several technical opinions issued by IBAMA
that are identified here, impedes the present analysis from visualizing the
true magnitude of the environmental impacts …. Therefore, the present technical
opinion will not present suggestions for preconditions for the operating
license so long as there are unfulfilled requirements for information …”
“Preconditions” (condicionantes) are a relatively
recent invention to streamline (i.e., weaken) the licensing system. They refer
to requirements specified in the licenses that are supposed to be met before
the next step in the licensing process is approved, or at least this was the
way the term was used up until the recent past. Preconditions were not
originally part of Brazil’s environmental-licensing system: from the advent of
the system in 1986 until 2002, demands from IBAMA had to be met before the next
in the series of three licenses (preliminary, installation and operation) was
granted. Then, beginning with the Workers’ Party presidential administrations,
the granting of licenses with attached lists of preconditions rapidly became
the norm in order to allow infrastructure developments to proceed without
waiting to satisfy the requirements for each step. The Madeira River dams were
first to be allowed to go to completion with preconditions still unmet, but the
notorious Belo Monte Dam, whose reservoir was filled in 2015, elevated this
loophole to new heights, and history there has shown that little is done to
make good on the preconditions once the final license is granted.
The Environmental Impact Study (EIA) for São Manoel
has a long, long list of inadequacies. The 133-page IBAMA technical opinion
recommending against approval of the operating license is a testament to these
problems. The treatment of impacts on indigenous peoples, which is
the most dramatic impact, is relegated to an appendix rather than being
included as part of the main report. This also occurred with the São Luiz do
Tapajós Dam in 2014 (see here). The São Manoel Dam consortium kept essentially
none of its promises regarding the “indigenous component,” including the
involvement of the indigenous groups and the time schedule for preparing the
document. Relations with the impacted groups were not improved by
the 2012 killing of Adenilson Kirixi Munduruku when the Federal Police invaded
a Kayabi village (see here and here), nor when the Sete Quedas rapids
(the most sacred site of the affected groups) was dynamited in 2013 to make way
for the Teles Pires Dam, 40 km upstream of São Manoel. São
Manoel’s RIMA (a simplified version of the EIA for public consumption)
concludes that the dam project “is viable from the social and environmental
point of view” (RIMA, p. 105).
The EIA contains a 23-page list of 337 laws, decrees
and regulations that the authors considered to apply to São Manoel (EIA, Vol.
1, Chapter 3, pp. 81-104). Incredibly, the list fails to include the most
significant and relevant decree: Decree No. 5051 of 19 April 2004 (see here),
which converts International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention 169 into
Brazilian law. The convention and decree require that indigenous people
“impacted” by projects such as dams be “consulted” and give their free, prior
and informed consent to the project. The impacted groups were definitely not
consulted (see here). The term “consultation” in ILO-169 means that
the people have a say in the decision to build the project in question (see
here). This should not be confused with a “public hearing” (audiência
pública) where participants can make suggestions (which may or may not be
accepted) on mitigation and compensation or minor changes in project design,
but not the existence of the project itself (see here).
The licensing and construction of São Manoel have been
temporarily halted on various occasions by judicial orders (liminares) on the
basis of not having consulted the indigenous people . These
orders have repeatedly been reversed by agencies in the government’s executive
branch seeking out selected judges who are willing to apply a “security
suspension” to overturn the order (see here). The “security suspension” is a
device created by Brazil’s 1964-1985 military dictatorship (Law 4348 of 26 June
1964) allowing any judge to overturn a judicial decision that causes “grave
damage to the public economy.” This has been expanded and broadened since the
end of the dictatorship (Law 8437 of 30 June 1992 and Law 12,016 of 7 August
2009). Since dams are always important for the economy, orders to halt them can
easily be overturned regardless of how many laws, constitutional protections or
international agreements have been violated (see here, and here).
The head of IBAMA’s overriding of the technical staff
is part of an unfortunate pattern that began with the Madeira River dams (see
here) and was repeated with Belo Monte (see here and here). Political
pressure on the Minister of Environment and on IBAMA (which is under that
ministry) has proven to be an effective means of obtaining project approval no
matter how severe the impacts or how flagrant the licensing irregularities.
In addition, since 2015 the technical staff in IBAMA’s
licensing department have come under increasing pressure to approve
infrastructure projects and to do it quickly (see here, here and here). In June
2017, the Ministry of Environment changed its policies on granting pay bonuses
to the technical staff based on productivity. Previously, staff received
bonuses based on the number of technical opinions they produced – a measure
apparently intended to speed up their output even if corners were cut in terms
of the completeness of the analyses. Now the incentives have been further
tilted by giving the bonus only for favorable opinions, not for those
recommending against approval of a license (see here).
The 25 August 2017 opinion recommending against
approval of São Manoel until all preconditions have been met illustrates a
recent change in practice: the technical staff no longer signs the technical
opinions in order to minimize the risk of prosecution for “bad faith” or being
held personally responsible for financial losses to the project proponents.
This has been threatened on various occasions by infrastructure builders and
government prosecutors, as in the cases of the Santo Antônio, Jirau and Belo
Monte dams (see here and here).
São Manoel illustrates yet another worrisome trend.
This is the increasing influence of China in Amazon dam building. In 2014, the
China Three Gorges company purchased a 33% share of São Manoel (see here).
Until its EIA was “archived” in April 2016, China Three Gorges was preparing to
bid on the São Luiz do Tapajós dam, which would also flood indigenous land.
Currently Zhejiang Electric Power Construction (ZEPC) is reportedly negotiating
for a share of the Belo Monte Dam (see here and here). Clearly, Chinese
investors are not deterred by the reputational costs of investing in Brazil’s
most infamous hydroelectric projects. China’s multiple impacts in Amazonia are
rapidly increasing (see here), and investment in dams is likely to
continue.
*Excelente artigo de Philip Fearnside, do Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas da Amazônia (INPA), de quem tenho a honra de ser amiga. Meu grande inspirador, Philip Fearnside foi um dos ganhadores do Prêmio Nobel da Paz em 2007, com outros cientistas do Painel Intergovernamental para Mudanças Climáticas (IPCC), que alertavam sobre os riscos do aquecimento global. Americano que vive no Brasil e ama a Amazônia.
Tem centenas de publicações no Brasil e fora dele e sempre me honra com citações nos seus trabalhos. Muito obrigada Philip! Poucos brasileiros contribuíram com a preservação da Amazônia como Philip Fearnside. (Telma Monteiro)
Tem centenas de publicações no Brasil e fora dele e sempre me honra com citações nos seus trabalhos. Muito obrigada Philip! Poucos brasileiros contribuíram com a preservação da Amazônia como Philip Fearnside. (Telma Monteiro)
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